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White supremacy and the truth about black youth crime in Britain |
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 In April 2006 when I wrote a feature for Black Britain about the over-representation of Jamaicans in British prisons, a little bird told me that the government was conducting research into the "phenomenon" of black youth crime.
Back in 2005, I wrote several in-depth articles trying to explain the issues surrounding crime and the black community and interviewed ex offenders, youth workers and respected criminologists in the process, which helped to build a picture of the reality of the situation, as opposed to the reactionary and distorted picture that is portrayed through the mainstream media.
Armed with this knowledge and experience; after examining the Home Affairs Committee report and having conducted more interviews with experts on their own responses to that research; I am prepared to state openly that the experience of young black people within the British criminal justice system and in the wider society is influenced to a large degree by the system of white supremacy that operates in Britain.
Let me be clear that when I use the term "white supremacy" that I am referring to the structured and systemized forms of discrimination, and racial disadvantage that are brought to bear, sub-consciously or intentionally upon people of African descent, which at the same time confers privilege and advantage to individuals racialised as white. Before I explain how this works in relation to crime and young black people, I must first state that I welcome that the Home Affairs Committee report does acknowledge that the incidence of black youth crime must be put into perspective.
For example, it is a reality that in 2004 to 2005, 84.7 per cent of the offences committed by young people aged between 10 and 17 were committed by young white persons. The Home Affairs Committee report states that concerns arise when faced with the fact that despite a minority of black youth being involved in criminal activity, they are nonetheless severely over-represented at every stage of the criminal justice system.
Whilst young black people only make up 2.7 per cent of British youths aged between 10 and 17, they account for 8.5 per cent of all arrests. When we examine the disproportionate targeting of black communities by police, that figure should come as no surprise. Black people of all ages are six times more likely to be arrested than white people and six times more likely to be stopped and searched by the police.
As the Committee acknowledges, young black people are over-represented in arrests and convictions for certain types of crime; especially robbery and drugs offences, despite the fact that there are lower drug usage levels among young black people. So what we are seeing here is a system of criminal justice that confers privilege amongst white Britons - because they are less likely to be stopped and searched and less likely to be arrested - which discriminates against people of African descent. That is the first proof of white supremacy at work.
Dr Perry Stanislas, a Senior Lecturer in Policing, Community and Criminal Justice at Leicester de Montfort University, told Black Britain that the issue of institutionalised racism in Britain in respect of criminal justice was raised in the Mc Pherson Inquiry, but he believes that it was "fudged." He argues that it was clear that recommendations should have been made back then to curtail the actions of the police, who sub-consciously or intentionally target black communities:
"There is a mountain of authoritative, highly regarded academic and other research which shows historically that there is a clear pattern of police discriminating both consciously and through informal institutional practice."
Liberal Democrat Shadow Justice Secretary, Simon Hughes, in commenting on the Home Affairs Committee report acknowledged that there is an urgent need "to stop institutionalised racism in the criminal justice system," and urged the government to "change policy urgently if Black Britons are to know that in the future they are equal before the law."
Nacro, the crime reduction charity, whilst welcoming the report, condemned the government for its opposition to targets as a means of reducing discrimination in the criminal justice process. Its Chief Executive, Paul Cavadino said: "The Committee is wrong to oppose setting targets to produce more equal outcomes for young black people in the criminal justice process. Discrimination in the criminal justice system remains the most important factor behind the prosecution and imprisonment of disproportionate numbers of young black people."
The Home Affairs report sings the familiar tune that seeks to attribute blame for black youth crime on 'dysfunctional' black families - which must be challenged. We are told that more black children grow up in lone parent families where there is usually an absent father. According to the National Family Planning and Parenting Institute, the father-child relationship is important for "children's greater self-confidence, mental health, positive behaviour and relationships, educational attainment and cognitive skills."
In other words, they are suggesting that black families produce criminals. However, hard evidence disproves this theory, as Dr Stanislas told Black Britain: "Whilst there are some problems among black families - if we look at white families, they produce more criminals of every type, from extreme sexual offenders, paedophiles to mass murderers, than the black family."
Deborah Gabriel
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